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Class War in America: the Book |
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This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-Noncommercial-Share Alike 3.0 License. Feel free to download this material for personal, not-for-profit, use. If you duplicate it for others, attribute it to Charles M. Kelly, and with a link to this site. Print copies are still available at Amazon and Barnes & Noble, and used copies are widely available on the internet. 1.
Traditional
Conservatism: To
Keep Wages Low, Quietly Manipulate the
Prime Conservatives
pay more attention to the status of working-class wages than to any other
economic variable. They know that wage increases reduce profits and, as a
result, slow down the accumulation of wealth by corporate executives,
business owners and investors. Therefore,
whenever workers become scarcer and start making more money, conservatives
demand that their political representatives in Washington do something to
stop the “free” market from working as it is supposed to. Their favorite
strategy prior to 1996 was to keep the unemployment rate at least 6% or
above. So,
as prudence would dictate, whenever it looked like wages might be about to go up, conservatives have
traditionally §
raised
the prime interest rate, which §
made
it more expensive for business owners to borrow money,
which §
slowed
the growth of the economy, which §
created
less demand for workers, which §
made
workers compete more viciously with each other for jobs,
which §
allowed
the existing business owners to continue paying low wages to their
workers—the ones who were making them rich. This
strategy of class warfare is still in use. In fact, many modern
conservatives continue to speak of it with the reverence typically
reserved for cherished traditions. Those who think that the term “class
warfare” sounds too offensive should read what reputable, mainstream
conservative publications have to say about the wages of working
Americans. Ugly
versus Beautiful Wages Forbes
made
it quite clear how investors
view the possibility that workers might start to make higher incomes.
Under the headline, “Wage Inflation Raises Its Ugly Head,” it spread the
alarm that …the
U.S. labor market has already tightened to the point where some wage
inflation is sure to follow…. Increasingly, companies are giving hiring
bonuses to attract skilled workers. This has a one-time impact and avoids raising actual wage
rates.1
When
wages go up, conservatives never admit that workers are getting a fairer
share of the prosperity of our country. Instead, they just scream “wage
inflation,” which scares the
hell out of everyone. What’s
especially maddening is that, according to conservative politicians, wages
of workers are supposed to go up as they become more
skilled and as the economy gets better. Yet, when this actually happens,
conservative economists raise the battle cry that something is wrong
(“ugly”) in the economy. Not only that, the wage increases for skilled
workers that upset Forbes so
much were only one-time bonuses—not regular, dependable income.
Forbes was somewhat relieved, however,
because it went on to note that “Total employment cost inflation, as
measured by the Employment Cost Index, is still declining. The reason for
this is the drop in benefit cost inflation, especially for health
care.”2 Remember:
Republican Steve Forbes, editor-in-chief of Forbes, wanted to be president, and his
magazine considers any increase in workers’ wages as
“ugly.” Now,
compare the way Forbes viewed
workers’ ugly wages with the way it
viewed, just a year later, the incomes of some of America’s wealthiest
people. Forbes is always at the forefront
in beautifying greed and materialism. Under the headline “America’s
Highest-Paid Bosses,” it reported that A
handful of chief executives were paid staggering amounts over the past
five years. But the median five-year pay for 800 chief executives was
just $6.9 million.”3
Just
$6.9
million. “Just” as in “only,” or
“a mere pittance” for
the work that they do. It
doesn’t matter to conservatives that this was at a time when workers saw
their incomes go up less than 3% and had their health benefits cut, the
S&P 500 went up 38% and investors became richer to the tune of $1.8
trillion. The fact that workers’ pitifully low wages made it all possible
is irrelevant. All that counts, as far as Forbes is concerned, is that the
CEOs and the investors got incredibly richer. Dual
Blessings Forbes
is
not alone in its one-sided sense of economic justice. In fact, it is
standard operating procedure to manage the economy so that business booms
and workers’ incomes remain low. In 1994, a Barron’s headline proclaimed “A
Dual Blessing,” and quoted economist Ed Yardeni, who said that it’s the
“best of all worlds: employment is booming; wage inflation remains
low.”4 Two
years later, Business Week
announced that the dual blessing continued. Under the head, “Wall
Street Is Cheering More Than Just the Yankees, The Economy Should Snap
Back—Without Triggering Inflation,”
it explained that What
really turned Wall Street on was a surprisingly modest increase in
third-quarter labor costs. The employment cost index, a measure of hourly
compensation costs for wages, salaries, and benefits, rose only 0.6% for all civilian workers last
quarter. …the slowest quarterly pace in four
years.5 This
“dual blessing” and the source of Wall Street’s cheers is no act of God.
It’s not the result of the movement of the stars or mere chance. Nor is it
any mystery. In very deliberate ways traditional conservatives have
blessed themselves by doing whatever it took to keep workers’ wages from
going up, although by this time they had far more weapons than just
manipulating the prime interest rate, as will be explained in later
chapters. NAIRU In
a headline, Fortune identified
the foundation for this method of controlling wages as “The Jobs-Inflation
Connection.” It explained that “the non-accelerating inflation rate of
unemployment (also known as NAIRU)… is one of the building blocks of the
economic universe.”6 This building block assumes that if
unemployment drops below a certain rate, …employers
bid up wages for increasingly scarce workers, driving up costs and setting
off inflation. For some time, most mainstream economists agreed that
America’s NAIRU was probably about 6%…. Too-strong demand for workers
begets inflation, so lenders
demand higher interest rates to protect their returns, and central bankers
tighten monetary policy, intentionally raising rates to slow the economy,
which levers unemployment back up to its “natural”
rate.7 Note the cold-blooded nature
of this kind of manipulation of working Americans’
lives: §
The
“jobs-inflation connection” means that when workers’ wages go up, the
government must do something to stop them. On the other hand, wealthy
conservatives shout from the rooftops that the government must never ever do anything to keep rich
persons’ incomes from going up. Conservatives say that when their incomes
go up, that’s just the result of the “free market forces.” What they never
admit, however—and what is demonstrated in this book—is that the market
isn’t free at all. Conservative politicians ruthlessly control those
market forces. §
The
“natural” rate of unemployment
is when it is high enough to make workers feel lucky just to have a job.
They won’t risk being fired by asking for raises in pay. They will be more
willing to accept intolerable working conditions and will not risk
supporting a union drive. §
It’s
just a natural law of God: Workers should make just enough money to live
and not consume excessively. Income increases are the natural right of
corporate executives and investors. They, after all, are the hard-working,
virtuous ones. Fortune
was a bit on the theoretical side in explaining all this. Business Week was more descriptive
in 1994 when it announced that “Wage Hikes Won’t Wake The Inflation Beast
Just Yet,” and reassured its readers that Now as never before, labor
costs are the key to inflation in this economic expansion…. But what makes
this expansion different is the relentless downward pressure on labor
costs coming from corporate restructuring, overseas competition, and
efforts to boost productivity.… But it’s not just slower
wage growth. Benefits, although they still are growing faster than wages,
have slowed even more sharply.… The continuing slowdown in the growth of
health- and workers’ compensation-insurance costs accounted for much of
the first-quarter slowing in benefits.8 Be
forewarned: When conservatives say “inflation beast,” they mean workers’
wages are going up. Although they occasionally express concern about
increases in the consumer price index, durable goods orders, non-farm
payrolls, commodity prices, wholesale prices, residential construction
levels, industrial output and, rarely, the level of the stock market—their
predominant preoccupation is always labor costs.
Conspiratorial
Conservatives Financial
conservatives aren’t an official “conspiracy,” but they do conspire with each other.
Consider Gene Epstein’s “Open
Letter to the Fed’s Boss” in Barron’s: True,
average hourly wages were up 0.5% in September. But the tiny increase only makes
up a small portion of the ground that workers have lost to even the modest
rise in prices over the past several years.… Tell the world that inflation
is a fantasy in the New Economy, that a hike in the Fed funds rate would
only do harm.9 This
is an “open letter” that anyone can read, although most working persons
never read Barron’s. Epstein
went on to explain that world competition would keep prices from going up
and that corporations could “Give some folks a 3% increase and lay off
others, cutting their salaries by 100%.” Conclusion: wages are dead in the
water; no need to raise the prime interest rate and risk cutting into
corporate profits. Discussions
using the same kind of reasoning occur in country clubs, boardrooms,
congressional hallways, and everywhere financial conservatives gather. In
this letter, Epstein also · pointed
out that unemployment was at a seven-year low, thus raising fears that
workers may start making more
money, · admitted
that then-recent hourly wage increases made up only a small portion of the
ground that workers had lost over the past several
years, · explained
how conservatives have been able to keep wages down: cut staff and give a
small raise to the remaining drudges, · which,
incidentally, also explains the number one method businesses use to
increase productivity and, at the same time, cut wages: pressure fewer
employees to work harder—for less money. So
what’s the conclusion? Hey, we’ve got the workforce totally beaten.
Conservatives have successfully created a New World Economy in which
workers have lost all power to negotiate for higher wages. The Fed doesn’t
have to raise the prime interest rate to keep wages
depressed. Was
Epstein right? Of course he was, because letters like his have been
effective. Look at what the stock market did. Two months later, The Wall Street Journal asked the
question, “Can Performance Withstand a Pit Stop?” and answered it with a
resounding yes: It
was off to the races for the stock market again last year. Even with the
take-the-money-and-run sell-off on News Year’s Eve, the Dow Jones Industrial Average
climbed an impressive 26%. Added to the 33.5% gain of 1995, the Dow at
year end is towering 68% above its level at the final bell of
1994.10 Still,
despite the stock market’s phenomenal rise, there were nagging concerns
that just wouldn’t go away. A month later, The Wall Street Journal issued the
warning that “Greenspan Inches Toward Rate Increase”: The Fed chairman also said he sees
signs that the widespread fear over job security is abating. That is
significant, he said, because worker insecurity has been restraining wages
at a time of low unemployment and allowing the Fed to delay an increase in
short-term rates.... [He hinted] that he is skeptical that corporate
profits can benefit indefinitely from unusually slow growth in wage and
benefits and ever-faster productivity
growth.11 And
that’s the story of the first half of the 1990s, and most of our recent
economic history up to that point. So much for the good old days.
The
New Economy Since
the mid-’90s things have changed. There is no longer a magic unemployment
number, like 6%, to guide the hand of the Fed. Now, it’s almost anyone’s
guess how much unemployment will be required to keep workers’ incomes from
going up. Although
the magic number is still being debated, the worries are fundamentally the
same and have continued through 1999. As Business Week put it, “A Fine
Balance Should Keep This Expansion Aloft”: The
threat of wage inflation is easing despite tighter labor markets…. Wall
Street knows all too well that low inflation is the butter on its bread.
After growing fears that an overly strong economy would force the Federal
Reserve to hike rates in order to preserve this Eden, the markets rejoiced
over the seemingly benign employment report. The Dow soared ever closer
toward 10,000…12 That
was in March of 1999. In August, The Wall Street Journal reported
that “Strength in Economy Continues,” yet “Signs of Inflation Are Scarce,
Report by the Fed Shows.” It added: “Widespread
labor shortages persist in virtually every” one of the Fed’s 12 districts,
“but there have been only scattered reports of an actual acceleration in
wages,” the report said.13 The
irony about reports such as this and the ones that preceded it is that,
despite over 20 years of worker wage stagnation, record corporate profits
and a record stock market, conservatives still consistently refer to
inflation as “wage inflation.” It demonstrates how utterly preoccupied and
paranoid America’s conservatives are about the possibility that workers
may start to share in our country’s prosperity. How
Low Can It Go? So,
what will be the new magic NAIRU number to guide the judgment of
conservative politicians? How low can the unemployment rate go without
triggering inflation? As of the end of 1999 it was 4.1% and still wages
were tame. Judging from a May, 1999 article in Business Week, it is possible that
there is no longer any magic
number. In “Sweatshop Reform: How to Solve the Standoff,” it described how
difficult it is to put a floor under labor wages and
conditions: The
debate over sweatshop codes of conduct shows just how tricky it is to put
a floor under global labor standards, even in a single industry. The
apparel business involves hundreds of thousands of factories in widely
disparate economies. Exposés have alerted U.S. consumers to abuses, yet
consumers’ desire for bargain goods means companies still face fierce
competitive pressures. And it’s unclear what the economic toll would be if
anti-sweatshop efforts lift prices…. A living wage, the most costly demand, possesses the greatest risk. “The worry is that a living wage might cause some workers to lose their jobs,” says Dani Rodrik, an economist at Harvard University.14 This
is the “new world economy” that conservative politicians are so proud of:
a world in which American laborers must compete with workers who can’t
demand a “living wage” without
fear of losing their jobs. Any country that puts a floor under wages or
working conditions will lose those jobs, because investors will put their
money elsewhere. It’s that simple. Ironically,
a following story in this same Business Week issue, “Catering to
the Near-Wealthy,” described how difficult it can be for newly rich
investors to get decent financial advice: If
the bull market, stock options, an inheritance, or plain old thrift has
transformed you from an average investor into a millionaire, you probably
need to do more with your money than just stick it in mutual funds.
Incredible as it seems, however, $1 million no longer gives you entree
into many of the most exclusive trust companies and private banks that
cater to the very rich.15 What’s
sad about this horrific gap in living standards for two groups of
people—victimized workers and wealthy investors—is that it was
deliberately caused. It was brought about with the full knowledge and
cooperation of American businesspersons, our American president and
Congress, a majority of the economics profession, the country’s leading
business schools and, of course, most investors, like those described in
the preceding excerpt. To
get an idea of how preoccupied these people are with the status of wages
in America, just read the tan-colored pages in almost any issue of Business Week. Or go to The Wall Street Journal, on page
A2. Readers regularly go to these pages to keep abreast of the merest
possibility that wages may be about to go up, especially around the time
the Federal Reserve is meeting, or labor statistics are being
released. Those
who say that low- and middle-income Americans shouldn’t be envious of the
incomes of the rich are the same hypocrites who watch the incomes of
workers like predatory hawks. Granted, maybe envy is bad for the mental
health of the poor and they should avoid it. Instead, possibly they should
get mad as hell and vent their feelings by voting for politicians who
aren’t bought and paid for by America’s conservative
elite. Now
it’s time to take a closer look at how conservatives knowingly and
deliberately perpetuate the “wage inflation” con. Now go to:
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